more Indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLC) manage over half of the world’s landscapes, and this management involves landscape transformations associated with their sociocultures. Indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLC) manage over half of the world’s landscapes, and t.
Our findings support the hypothesis that the most abundant plant species have a greater chance to be useful at both local and larger scales, and suggest that although people use the most abundant plants, indigenous people and local communities have contributed to plant abundance through long-term management. This study highlights the enormous usefulness of Amazonian arboreal species for local peoples. Population size was weakly related to specific uses, but strongly related with the multiplicity of uses. Incipiently domesticated species are the most abundant. Useful species have mean populations sizes six times larger than non-useful species, and their abundance is related with the probability of usefulness. We found that half of the arboreal species (2,253) are useful to humans, which represents 84% of the estimated individuals in Amazonian forests. We used the population sizes of 4,454 arboreal species (trees and palms) estimated from 1946 forest plots and compiled information about uses from 29 Amazonian ethnobotany books and articles published between 19 to investigate the relationship between species usefulness and their population sizes, and how this relationship is influenced by the degree of domestication of arboreal species across Amazonia. However, it is unknown whether plant use is also associated with abundance at larger scales. At local scales, people generally use the most abundant plants, which may be abundant as the result of management of indigenous peoples and local communities. more Plants have been used in Amazonian forests for millennia and some of these plants are disproportionally abundant (hyperdominant). Plants have been used in Amazonian forests for millennia and some of these plants are disproporti. From this perspective, swidden-fallow represents on farm conservation, while less anthropogenic parts of the forest mosaic represent in situ conservation.We believe that reframing forest conservation and learning from Indigenous People can inspire innovative conservation science and policies. Each stage of the succession also contains cultivated and domesticated plant populations, so we can think of a different kind of conservation: that of genetic resources. Each part of the forest mosaic in different stages of socialecological succession has different owners: when people open swiddens, they must respect other – non-human – forest residents to do so, and when they fallow their swiddens, these other forest residents reassume their original roles as managers and conservers of that part of the mosaic. Hence, forests are not natural, but the domus of different beings who inhabit, care for and cultivate them. It is essential to understand that Indigenous ontologies do not distinguish culture from nature, since all beings, humans and non-humans, are part of a network of social-ecological interactions. In this essay, we bring Amazonian Indigenous perspectives to this discussion, both because Amazonian Indigenous Peoples have the right to be in the discussion and because they have a lot to teach us about naturalness.
more World conservation discourse concentrates on forests of high naturalness, which are variously termed intact forest landscapes, primary forests, pristine forests, and wilderness. World conservation discourse concentrates on forests of high naturalness, which are variously ter.
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